By Adrian Zenz

In 'Tibetanness' lower than Threat?, Adrian Zenz pioneers an research of important contemporary advancements in Qinghai's Tibetan schooling approach. shortly, Tibetan scholars can obtain local language schooling from fundamental to tertiary degrees, whereas collage minority departments supply Tibetan-medium majors from computing device technology to secretarial studies.

However, optimistic advancements are threatened by means of the dire occupation clients of Tibetan-medium graduates. Tibetans view marketisation because the maximum risk to ethnocultural survival, with their younger iteration being lured right into a chinese language schooling via more desirable employment customers. yet Zenz questions the straightforward equation of Tibetan schooling as 'unselfish' ethnic protection as opposed to the chinese language course as selfish careerism, arguing that the inventive academic recommendations of Tibetans within the chinese language schooling process are vital for exploring and expressing new varieties of 'Tibetanness' in glossy China.

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Extra resources for 'Tibetanness' Under Threat? Neo-Integrationism, Minority Education and Career Strategies in Qinghai, P.R. China

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Anand, 2006, p. 19 Huber has suggested a definition of ‘Tibetan’ as referring to the “general area throughout which are found populations sharing a manifestly high degree of linguistic similarity, cultural 19 Tsampa is widespread among Tibetan farmers in the TAR. 20 chapter one and social patterns, and historical experience” (1999, p. , p. 30) to gauge this complex amalgam. One of the intuitively most obvious and widely-shared common denominators of ‘being Tibetan’ would appear to be religion. Lopez (1998) has described how Western Tibetology, motivated by the quest to find ‘pure’ Buddhism in Tibet, “initiated a pattern of research that overemphasised religion to the exclusion of other aspects of Tibetan sociality”.

P. 114). While Willis espoused a class culture theory of resistance to education based on class stratification, the other notable resistance theorist, this time based on racial stratification, became John Ogbu (cf. Foley, 1991). Ogbu (1987) argued that Black students in the US had developed an “oppositional culture” in response to their perception of schooling as an agent of assimilation to ‘whiteness’. Centred around Black English Vernacular (BEV) and rap music as alternative forms and expressions of rejecting the mainstream, this oppositional culture arose according to Ogbu as a reaction to the perceived “job ceiling”.

Shakya, 2000, p. 37). g. , p. 37) as ‘isolationism’, reflecting a tendency among traditionalist circles towards isolationism as an ethnocultural preservation strategy. Generally, I prefer the term traditionalists over, for example, conservatives because it is less strongly tied to political views. Also, conservatism is typically contrasted with liberalism, which seems to me less appropriate than modernism, the common antonym for traditionalism. Here, I must immediately add that these and other dualistic categories that I will employ in this book are necessarily essentialist constructs.

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