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In fact, this established what came to be known as the “Jim Crow” era, a regime (of sorts) that “reworked the racialised boundary between slave and free into a rigid caste separation between ‘whites’ and ‘Negroes’ ” (Wacquant, 2005, p. 127). This historic “caste” ranking would most likely deflect the avoidance of “class” analysis of American social hierarchy. At any rate, historians concur that “separate-but-equal” actually meant “separate-but-unequal” (Blackwell, 1987, p. 20; Fleming, 1976, p.

A similar categorization could be made with the data from this study by grouping states as over or underrepresented in terms of Black enrollment. 01) (Blackwell, 1987, p. 52). 83) occurred between total Black enrollment and the presence of Black faculty on college campuses (Blackwell, 1987, p. 52). The implication is that an increased number of Black faculty may serve as a facilitator (direct or indirect) for Black enrollment. Other issues may come into play at the graduate school level, and underlying racial dynamics may be more volatile as competition for faculty positions occurs.

Berea College in Kentucky, with 60 percent Black enrollment in 1870, was forced to segregate in 1904, due to Day’s Law, which forbade admission of both races (Black and White) in the same institution (Turner, 1985, p. 14). In 1946, Ada Lois Sipuel was denied entrance to the traditionally White University of Oklahoma Law School because of her race. Sipuel’s denial highlighted several issues related to existing separate-but-equal laws: the under-financing of Black colleges, the reality of separate-but-equal facilities as separate and unequal, and the constitutionality of separatebut-equal (Dimond, 1982, p.

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