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This acts to disarticulate the subjective and social epistemologies able to develop a critical reading of such hegemonic representations and leads to individual self-blame, competition, and fragmentation of communities of resistance. Such a framing of the importance of education in the possibility of success, inclusion, and modernity enters into the very desires and affective attachments of Colombia’s poor. Access to education becomes a route to dignity and inclusion in consumer society. The desire for such a good becomes a motor force of their activities, horizons, and choices.

This is based on three factors: educational advances; enhanced abilities of the labour force and technological development. (Departmento Nacional Planeacion, 2003, p. , 2009, pp. 7–8). The epistemological logics that frame the plans are those of capitalist coloniality in which an external model is implemented that silences, delegitimizes, and invisibilizes local knowledges, pedagogies, and epistemologies. It also reproduces the epistemological international divisions of labor in which the North is the producer of knowledge and the South the passive recipient.

A national assessment of teachers registered on the payroll was undertaken to detect fraudsters. Private contractors (who were exempt from public sector wage and other labor agreements) were allowed to provide educational services, particularly in secondary schools, rural education, and to vulnerable groups. Uribe blamed increased hiring and wages of teachers for the lack of resources available for the rest of the education system. He thus legitimized this educational reform, which involved the flexibilization of working conditions and breaking of the labor power of teachers in the name of equity and inclusion in the education system, and presenting teachers as a corrupt special interest group opposed to the interests of ordinary Colombians (Meade and Gershberg, 2008, p.

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