By Timothy Scott Brown

The anti-authoritarian insurrection of the Sixties and Nineteen Seventies used to be a watershed within the heritage of the Federal Republic of Germany. The uprising of the so-called '68ers' - opposed to cultural conformity and the ideological imperatives of the chilly struggle; opposed to the yankee conflict in Vietnam; in want of a extra open accounting for the crimes of the Nazi period - helped to encourage a discussion on democratization with profound results on German society. Timothy Brown examines the original synthesis of globalizing impacts on West Germany to bare how the presence of 3rd international scholars, imported popular culture from the US and England and the effect of recent political doctrines around the world all helped to precipitate the rebellion. The publication explains how the occasions in West Germany grew out of a brand new interaction of radical politics and pop culture, at the same time they drew on ideas of direct-democracy, self-organization and self-determination, all nonetheless hugely appropriate at present.

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West Germany and the Global Sixties: The Anti-Authoritarian Revolt, 1962-1978

The anti-authoritarian insurrection of the Sixties and Nineteen Seventies was once a watershed within the heritage of the Federal Republic of Germany. The uprising of the so-called '68ers' - opposed to cultural conformity and the ideological imperatives of the chilly struggle; opposed to the yank struggle in Vietnam; in desire of a extra open accounting for the crimes of the Nazi period - helped to motivate a discussion on democratization with profound results on German society.

Extra resources for West Germany and the Global Sixties: The Anti-Authoritarian Revolt, 1962-1978

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32 This so-called “K1-Ost,” as it was dubbed by its founders, was the work of a small and relatively privileged group of children of leading cultural and political luminaries, prominent among them two sons and one daughter of the dissident scientist Robert Havemann. 33 Members of this circle took part in the spontaneous wave of protests that greeted the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 and suffered jail terms and loss of educational privileges as a result. 35 It had a particularly important practical function, for, unlike West Berlin, with its left-wing bars and hangouts, East Berlin lacked semiprivate venues for oppositional sociability.

24 For the average citizen of West Berlin, especially anyone old enough to have had direct experience of the tactics employed by Soviet security forces in Berlin in the early postwar period (dragging hapless victims into waiting sedans never to be seen again), the situation was much less complicated. Outrage over the murders at the Wall of fellow Germans trying to escape from East Berlin was only the barest part of the picture. 26 Popular anti-Communism was amplified in the daily newspapers of the Springer Press, which reproduced, in sensationalist form, the Manichean worldview of the Cold War.

What was unusual was that Tshombe’s visit provided the occasion for the presentation of an alternative scheme in which the dictator appeared not as a friend but as an enemy. This alternative was posed by student protesters who openly challenged the status quo in the streets. 3 What was new in the Tshombe protest was the appearance of a self-consciously radical avant-garde that sought to use the protest as a means to larger, more thoroughgoing ends. Among the organizers, in addition to the SDS and other student groups, including the African Student League, was a small radical group calling itself Subversive Aktion.

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