By Huaiyin Li

Village China less than Socialism and Reform deals a complete account of rural lifestyles after the communist revolution, detailing villager involvement in political campaigns because the Fifties, agricultural construction lower than the collective method, kin farming and non-agricultural financial system within the reform, and way of life within the relatives and neighborhood. Li's wealthy exam attracts on unique records from neighborhood agricultural collectives, newly available govt documents, and his personal fieldwork in Qin village of Jiangsu province to spotlight the continuities in rural transformation. Firmly disagreeing with those that declare that contemporary advancements in rural China characterize a thorough holiday with pre-reform sociopolitical practices and styles of construction, Li as a substitute attracts a transparent historical past connecting the present state of affairs to ecological, social, and institutional adjustments that experience continued from the collective period.

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Additional info for Village China Under Socialism and Reform: A Micro-History, 1948-2008

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Despite such differences, however, villagers in both counties generally accepted the mutual aid teams and showed no resistance to the program, as did peasants in the remainder of the country in the early 1950s, when local governments left the private landholdings of peasant households untouched. There was no sign in the entire country of drastic decline in peasant income after the introduction of mutual aid teams. Cooperativization The next step of collectivization was to create “agricultural production cooperatives” (nongye shengchan hezuohe).

They used various excuses, such as waiting until their sons or grandsons got married or until their children graduated from school, for their refusal to be a co-op member (DT6 1954; SJ2 1954). Aware of the widespread skepticism toward cooperativization, the state cautioned against “blind impetuosity” and “adventurism” in establishing cooperatives at the beginning of the drive. A fundamental principle that guided the drive “anywhere and anytime,” according to a resolution passed by the CCP central committee in December 1953, was the peasants’ voluntary participation.

Typically, the household paid one dou (14 catties) of barley per person for one day’s help during the Interest, Identity, and Ideology 25 busy season or half a dou during the slack season. During the busy season, all households of the team worked as a group for each of them in turn, but they often disputed with each other or argued with the team head over the sequence of the households they worked for and over the number of laborers or workdays each household provided. Almost every family wanted the group to work its own farm first.

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