By Gordon, Mr Mace
Empirically wealthy with hugely specified case reviews at the North American loose alternate contract (NAFTA), this accomplished quantity reports the connection among regionalism and kingdom habit. the normal trend of earlier experiences of regionalism and local integration has been to appreciate how nation thoughts molded the dynamics of an integration procedure. This examine examines the effect of regionalism at the coverage personal tastes of member states.
This quantity bargains 3 theoretical contributions:
• an empirical try out of the convergence hypothesis
• experiences of associations and their influence on family politics
• an exam of international coverage personal tastes and the neo-functionalist suggestion of 'spill-over'
Recommended studying for college students of regionalism, overseas political economic climate, foreign exchange, international coverage and North American studies.
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Extra info for Regionalism and the State: NAFTA and Foreign Policy Convergence
Example text
This has evident consequences on Washington’s attitude toward the FTAA negotiation. The US proposal of February 2003 clearly stood for a negative list approach. Such an approach does not totally preclude asymmetrical treatment as we have seen in the case of NAFTA. The US-Chile trade agreement, signed on 6 June 2003, demonstrated that Washington was ready to tolerate some level of asymmetry through the use of reservations. A look at this treaty shows that the annexes listing non-conforming measures in cross-border services and investments, including financial services, fill a total of 34 pages for US reservations as compared to the 86 pages needed to list Chilean reservations (United-States-Chile Free Trade Agreement 2003).
Than the WTO agreement, and it is comparable in level of detail to the WTO agreement. )’ (Abbott 2000, 524). 34 Regionalism and the State On many accounts, events during the immediate post-NAFTA period were fuelling this interpretation of a convergence effect. For example, months after the entry into force of NAFTA, proposals for the negotiation of a EU-NAFTA trade agreement were made (Duesterberg 1995, 71). Also, Chile formally asked for NAFTA accession in 1995 while Argentina did not hide its intention to be considered next in line.
31 Washington’s refusal to discuss subsidies and trade-distorting measures was linked directly to the fact that the US believed that this issue can only be settled in the WTO framework because the central players are the US and the EU. Making concessions in the FTAA framework could harm the US bargaining position with the EU. The other factor was domestic politics which was coming into play again most evidently in the negotiations on agriculture as witnessed by the 2002 Farm Bill. Finally, a most interesting case is that of Mexico where we find a NAFTA influence at work but in terms of gains more than in terms of normative framework.