By Julie Hardwick
In seventeenth-century France, households have been crucial as either brokers and items within the shaping of capitalism and development of strong states -- phenomena that have been serious to the making of the fashionable global. For loved ones individuals, associates, and professionals, the family members company of the administration of a extensive diversity of exact and intangible assets -- legislations, borrowing, violence, and marital prestige between them -- used to be principal to political balance, fiscal productiveness and cultural morality. The company of kinfolk existence concerned relationships which may be intimate (family and neighbors), intermediate (litigant and decide) or far away (governing authority and subject), and the assets in query have been the foreign money of the early smooth global those humans knew. In some of these regards, litigation used to be a key technique of negotiating and contesting the demanding situations of everyday life and the bigger advancements within which they have been embedded.The relationships among households, economies, and states have frequently been reframed however the perils in addition to supplies have endured. Then, as now, husbands and better halves discovered the event of marriage to be fraught with uncertainty and chance; financial lack of confidence and ubiquitous borrowing have been profound demanding situations; household violence used to be a telling marker of inequality in households. Julie Hardwick examines a severe interval within the lengthy historical past of relatives company to spotlight the centrality of the lived studies of operating households in significant political, monetary, and cultural transitions.
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Extra info for Family Business: Litigation and the Political Economies of Daily Life in Early Modern France
Example text
ADR BP3985, no date but in folder for 1652; ADR BP4045, 26 April 1710. 26 Economies of Marriage: Managing Marital Status recourse in which the legal construct of lineage property was key. In England, common law strictures gave husbands control over wives’ property, and William Strahan, an eighteenth-century jurist, noted that in comparison to France there was ‘no such’ separation of goods in England. ¹⁵ Protestant regions, including England, Switzerland, and some German territories, introduced divorce in principle in the sixteenth century, but in practice women had great difficulty in securing decisions in their favour.
In 1662, Charlotte Cerisier explained how the sale of her husband’s shop and most of their furniture four months earlier had left them with only a table and small chest. ³⁶ Inventories taken as part of separation settlements confirm that households had very few resources before wives applied for separate property. When the household of Perrine Arondel and Pierre Coquelin, a ‘merchant’, was inventoried in the spring of 1704, three months after the judgement for separate property, its total value of 240 livres just about covered the 200 livres she was claiming as her lineage property.
Even if systematic evidence remains scarce, property separations seem to have been relatively common and, given the material difficulties that almost all working households faced, relatively easy to obtain. Wives who chose to manage marital status by resort to the courts for separations were primarily members of urban working families and, as in managing other kinds of resources, the decision to use courts was often related to rank-specific concerns. Their households, as we have seen, were overwhelmingly from urban commercial milieus: husbands were artisans of every variety, tradesmen who ran their own shops, or manual workers.