By Adrian Peacock
This can be a revised variation of a cult vintage, relatively well timed as anti-globalization pursuits assemble power. Rooted in a entire research of financial lifestyles, it demands not anything lower than international revolution. ranging from the statement that fabric creation presents the stipulations for us to construct an international larger than formerly imagined Utopias, Peacock presents a counterblast to capitalism's imaginative and prescient: docile, profit-producing, working-class client zombies. 20 b/w drawings.
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Are enlisted in the service of capital to be functionally dominant over the workers’), the self-deluding pseudo-middle classes at work often identify themselves with the bosses who secretly despise them and research ways of by-passing the need for their existence. 22 But this ‘class character’ is an illusion. The proletariat which these middle-class human-resource managers and technicians fondly imagine they have risen above is constantly ‘rising up’ further to engulf them again. They too lose all creative input into their labour and find that their work (the management of workers or the maintenance of advanced production systems) is increasingly broken down into parcels of mindless repetitive tasks.
Postrevolutionary peasants then attempt to establish a bucolic, localised and stagnant free-market economy until the bourgeois revolution reaches into this horrifying glaciation of history to proletarianise the peasants. And, in fact, the disappearance of the peasantry was a steady phenomenon of the twentieth century, one marked by levels of brutality beyond anything ever witnessed by the human race before. As the bourgeois revolution has accelerated, peasants, revolutionary or otherwise, have suffered increasingly in its wake.
28 Eighty percent of the Russian population were at that time peasants. And by 1940, in this the world’s first ‘proletarian state’, more than half the population were still peasants. The twisted ‘post-proletarian’ bourgeois revolution of Stalinism from the 1930s to the 1980s was only possible because the real proletariat was yet to come into existence there as a dominant and potentially revolutionary class. That situation is now arising. All power stolen from the workers’ councils The Bolsheviks’ intensification of the factory system (based on Henry Ford’s Taylorism) represented its true, revolutionary introduction rather than its initial, artificial importation into a back26 As the workers’ movement noted in the late 1960s when the Stalinist system was first unravelling, ‘this crumbling of the worldwide alliance founded on bureaucratic Far from having collapsed (as anything other than a false opposition to capitalism)26 Stalinism emerged victorious in the 1990s.