By John Riddell

The lawsuits of the final Comintern congress within which Lenin participated, eventually on hand in English, finds a Communist international flow grappling to reconcile the target of unifying staff and colonial humans in fight with that of urgent ahead to socialist revolution. the main of nationwide events’ autonomy traces opposed to demands extra stringent centralization. Debates variety over the beginning of Fascism, the decay of the Versailles Treaty procedure, the increase of colonial revolution, and women’s emancipation. Newly translated and richly annotated, the stenographic transcript of the month-long congress discloses a wealthy spectrum of viewpoints between delegates. fundamental resource fabric on early Communism is supplemented through an analytic creation, specified footnotes, greater than 500 brief biographies, word list, chronology, and index.

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Extra info for Toward the united front : proceedings of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International, 1922

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For more on Lenin’s views of Kautsky, see p. 481, n. 2. Editorial Introduction • 37 Zetkin, Trotsky, and Béla Kun on the state of the Russian Revolution. The first three were then among the most authoritative international Communist leaders, while Kun’s presence reflected his return to prominence after his much-criticised role as ECCI envoy in spurring the German Party into the March Action of 1921. Lenin’s speech – his last public address – is widely known, but its relationship with the Fourth Congress debates deserves attention.

KPD leaders Meyer, Hoernle, and Walter Ulbricht, on behalf of the German delegation, submitted an amendment that explained the different types of workers’ governments and distinguished between ‘illusory’ and ‘genuine’ variants. 67 Another amendment resulted from the assertion by the senior Bulgarian delegate, Vasil Kolarov, that ‘the workers’ government is not posed in agrarian countries like the Balkans’. 68 The workers’ government debate, which wound through the entire Congress, was notable for the richness of the contributions by delegates who had grappled with its complexity in the work of member parties.

See pp. 243 (Kolarov), 1161 (amendment). 69 Zinoviev’s summary, delivered in Session 7 (12 November), did not pick up on Meyer’s and Radek’s description of the workers’ government as a transitional stage to soviet-power. While conceding on the word ‘pseudonym’, Zinoviev restated his point in another form, arguing that ‘to establish a workers’ government we must first overthrow the bourgeoisie’. The workers’ government represented ‘the least likely path’ to workers’ power. 70 On this ambiguous note, the discussion moved into the congress commissions.

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