By Tariq Moraiwed Tell (auth.)
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42 In the absence of an overarching state capable of arbitrating between competing claims, a tribe’s ability to make full use of the resources of a given dirah was a function of the balance of local military-political power, and more particularly the numbers of its (male) members, and the degree of ‘assabiyya driven cohesion within a given kin-grouping. Anthropological accounts of musha‘a also indicate that it appears to have created incentives for communal solidarity, not least because under this system land was held corporately and redistributed periodically among landowners.
The integration of Trans-Jordan into the grain export economy of the Syrian interior provided the economic foundations of the new order. 12 The upward trend in wheat prices between 1840 and the end of the Crimean War boom and the dwindling number of pilgrims using the overland route to Mecca were the most likely forces encouraging the growth of grain farming before the establishment of direct Ottoman control. The return of the Ottoman state to the Balqa’ in the 1860s provided an additional (if indirect) boost to grain farming.
The economic resources that underpinned the network of kinbased ties and obligations that composed the local order can be usefully characterized in terms of the notion of “extended entitlements” derived from the work of Jeremy Swift in particular. ” The latter are disaggregated in turn into “investments,” “stores,” and “claims” on kin, clients, and patrons (or in Trans-Jordan after 1851, the state). Seen in this light, the dry grain farming and pastoralism which were the mainstay of Trans-Jordan’s agricultural economy formed the main source of production entitlements, and the sale of food supplies or camels to the Hajj caravan provided Bedouin or wellplaced farmers with the opportunity to obtain additional exchange entitlements from the pilgrims.