By Nikolaos Biziouras

At the purpose of independence in 1948, Sri Lanka used to be projected to be a hit tale within the constructing international. even though, in July 1983 a violent ethnic clash which pitted the Sinhalese opposed to the Tamils begun, and didn't come to an finish until eventually 2009. This clash ended in approximately 50,000 combatant deaths and nearly 40,000 civilian deaths, in addition to nearly 1 million internally-displaced refugees and to the everlasting migration in another country of approximately 130,000 civilians.

With a spotlight on Sri Lanka, this e-book explores the political economic system of ethnic clash, and examines how rival political leaders may be able to persuade their ethnic crew participants to stick to them into violent clash. particularly, it appears at how political leaders can impression and make the most of alterations within the point of monetary liberalization as a way to mobilize participants of a definite ethnic workforce, and with regards to Sri Lanka, exhibits how ethnic mobilization drives can flip violent while minority ethnic teams are economically marginalized via the selections that almost all ethnic crew leaders make in an effort to remain in strength.

Taking a political financial system method of the clash in Sri Lanka, this booklet is exclusive in its historic research and gives a longitudinal view of the evolution of either Tamil and Sinhalese ethnic drives. As such, this interdisciplinary learn can be of curiosity to coverage makers in addition to lecturers within the box of South Asian experiences, political technology, sociology, improvement experiences, political economic climate and safeguard studies.

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Additional resources for The Political Economy of Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Economic Liberalization, Mobilizational Resources, and Ethnic Collective Action

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Accordingly, ethnic conflict becomes a reality. Section D: Analytical and methodological distinctions The causal link in my argument between changes in the level of economic liberalization and the onset of ethnic conflict lies in the interaction of theories of collective action with resource mobilization theories. Without the possibility of individual-specific benefits from ethnic mobilization, I argue, the mobilizational resources would not generate successful and intensive ethnic mobilization. Similarly, without the mobilizational resources, economic incentives would need the creation of a mobilizing structure.

1 These economic reforms persisted until 1925 and led to the emergence of peaceful inter-ethnic relations. Despite the existence of acute ethnic and religious fractionalization, the high level of economic liberalization played a catalytic role in the emergence of caste rather than ethnicity as the key basis of political mobilization and enabled the creation of viable inter-ethnic political coalitions that campaigned along ideological and not ethnic lines. Section A: Measuring and coding the level of economic liberalization The British established a minimal state which maintained a low level of subsidies, minimized state ownership in different economic activities, insisted upon balanced budgets (and often achieved budget surpluses), and used low levels of indirect taxation for revenue purposes.

52 Such a decision shows that organizational ties among individuals matter because they increase not only group cohesion but also decisionmaking efficiency. 53 Increased group cohesion in terms of preferences increases the speed of mobilization because it forces individuals to focus their attention on their sub-group members with whom they share a certain ideational consensus about the goals of the ethnic movement. Accordingly, the centralization of ethnic group organizations and the cohesion of the organizations’ preferences matter in the mobilization phase.

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