By Samer S. Shehata
In store flooring tradition and Politics in Egypt, Samer S. Shehata offers us with a special and targeted ethnographic portrait of lifestyles inside huge cloth factories in Alexandria, Egypt. operating for almost a 12 months as a “winding laptop operator” supplied Shehata with exceptional entry to staff on the aspect of creation and the actions of the paintings corridor. He argues that the social association of creation within the factories—including corporation principles and tactics, hierarchy, and kinfolk of authority—and store ground tradition profoundly form what it skill to be a “worker” and the way this identification is known. Shehata unearths how financial relatives contained in the manufacturing facility are at the same time kinfolk of value and which means, and the way the creation of wool and cotton textiles is, while, the creation of different types of id, styles of human interplay, and understandings of the self and others.
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Although the area around MIDIA, for example, was home to a number of factory workers, it was also home to various other sorts of individuals. Low-level government employees, people engaged in petty commodity production and the informal economy, and small-time traders, among others, also lived there. 41 In the end, not living in a working class neighborhood made little difference for this particular project. I was engaged in research eight hours a day, six days a week during working hours, not including the time I socialized with workers outside of work.
39 I write about real people in real places based on direct observation and my Introduction 15 interpretations. There are no Robinson Crusoe figures in the pages that follow, no Homo Economicus, the figment of the economistic imagination. Ethnography is also, in one sense, the most demanding form of social research, utilizing all of one’s senses and physical being, much more so than archival research, surveys, or interviews, for example. It uniquely implicates the researcher in the research process and the production of knowledge and requires a level of involvement far beyond other methods of research.
Workers expressed their concerns: a tape recorder would have provoked suspicion and would have made certain conversations impossible. 42 Structure of the Book The following chapters can be thought of as answers to a series of related questions. Chapter 2 asks, who is a worker and how is this identity understood in the factory? Chapter 3 asks, what is work and how was it supposed to be accomplished at MIDIA and Misr Textiles? Chapter 4, by contrast, asks how was work actually done at both factories?