By Kevin Olson

Because the Reagan and Thatcher revolutions of the Eighties, there was little consensus on what welfare should do or the way it should functionality. whilst, post-Wall continental Europe searches for a "third method" among state-planned socialism and laissez-faire capitalism. In Reflexive Democracy , Kevin Olson takes in this modern conceptual problem. He demands a "political flip" in issues of the welfare country, arguing that it may now not be understood in basically fiscal terms—as a redistributive and regulatory mechanism—but in political phrases, as a way of residing as much as deep-seated values of political equality. Drawing on arguments via T. H. Marshall and Jürgen Habermas, Olson proposes a notion of political equality because the normative foundation of the welfare country. He argues that there are inextricable connections among democracy and welfare: the welfare kingdom either promotes political equality and is dependent upon it for its personal political legitimacy. the ambiguity of political equality as a precondition for political equality is healthier solved, Olson argues, by means of ensuring electorate the capacity for equivalent participation. this can be a reflexive perception of democracy, within which democratic politics circles again to maintain the stipulations of equality that give the opportunity. This view, Olson writes, is intended to not change conventional monetary matters yet to bare deep interconnections among democratic equality and monetary justice. It counters paternalistic principles of welfare reform via targeting citizen participation. This perception strikes past uncomplicated equality within the ownership of products and assets to suggest a wealthy, materially grounded perception of democratic equality.

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Extra info for Reflexive Democracy: Political Equality and the Welfare State (Studies in Contemporary German Social Thought)

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His particular focus is on the relative bargaining position of employers and workers. When the market places employers in a better bargaining position than workers, it gives them an unfair advantage and allows them to extract wage and benefit concessions. Employers gain an advantage due to market conditions structured by law and public policy. Periodic variations in labor supply and demand restrict workers’ ability to change jobs. They are at a particular disadvantage during labormarket gluts, because they cannot stockpile their labor-power to wait for better prices like other commodity sellers can.

In this sense, political marginalization plus poverty is even worse than poverty alone. In the coming chapters I will articulate more clearly why political marginalization is such an important problem. I will claim that systematic inattention to participatory equality results in vexing paradoxes for democracy, violates commitments basic to American political practice, and ultimately undercuts the legitimacy of our political and legal system. These, however, are tendentious claims that one should not make lightly.

Citizenship is a legal status encoded in constitutions and statutes. Because the view I am outlining is constitutional in its basic structure, I now turn to examine the normative foundations of law as a basis for welfare regimes. I draw again on Habermas’s work as an entrée into these issues. The key problem is to decide how a theorist can say anything compelling about the content of the law, if legitimate laws are solely created by sovereign citizens. More specifically, the question is how one can claim that citizenship ought to be a reflexive status guaranteeing equal capabilities of certain kinds.

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