By J. R. Ward
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Extra resources for Poverty and Progress in the Caribbean, 1800–1960
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50: 32] Planters certainly had great political influence , which they sought to exercise in support of their economic interests, especially in securing a labour supply. Their methods included laws of contract and 39 'vagrancy', and constraints on the acquisition of land by peasant cultivators. Also the small-holding class that did emerge was starved of government support in the provision of schools, roads, and other infrastructure, while being burdened with discriminatory taxes [50: 34-159]. Perhaps the most striking expressions of the planters' power were the officially-sponsored schemes to introduce labour from outside the region.
Both islands were given preferential access to the domestic US sugar market while being at the same time opened up to outs ide investors, and 46 then the First World War disrupted European beet sugar production to the benefit of cane growers. All this stimulated the rapid growth and modernisation of the Cuban and Puerto Rican sugar industries, increasingly under the control of business interests from the United States [22: 536-56; 6: 106-17; 94: 77-8]. This phase lasted until the early 1920s when competition from European beet sugar revived and caused a sharp fall in prices, later aggravated by the international economic crisis of the 1930s.
Cuban sugar suffered particularly because it also lost much of its privileged position in the United States' home market (see Graph and Table II) [78: 157-63 ; 91: 86]. Meanwhile British West Indian sugar production enjoyed a modest revival through the restoration in 1919 of tariff preference in the metropolitan market, for the first time since the mid nineteenth century. Great Britain's experience during the First World War had emphasised the risks of relying upon European beet sugar and· demonstrated the merits of relatively secure 'Empire' sources [80: 164-9].