By Janine M. Ubink, Andre J. Hoekema, Willem J. Assies
Around the globe hundreds of thousands of individuals reside and paintings on land that they do not—and legally cannot—own. And notwithstanding a few efforts to safe land rights for those participants were profitable, many others—such as those who emphasize titles and registration—have been disappointing. Legalising Land Rights evaluations many of the courses designed to counter land tenure regimes in Africa, Asia, and Latin the US, broadening the scope of information on land tenure reform in those areas and calling for the implementation of latest and more desirable laws.
Read or Download Legalising Land Rights: Local Practices, State Responses and Tenure Security in Africa, Asia and Latin America (AUP - Law, Governance, and Development R) PDF
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Additional info for Legalising Land Rights: Local Practices, State Responses and Tenure Security in Africa, Asia and Latin America (AUP - Law, Governance, and Development R)
Example text
Such was the power and influence of these classes that the regime turned a deaf ear to the demand for change. But while the result was far from adequate, a number of initiatives to change aspects of the agrarian system were undertaken with varying degrees of success during the lifetime of the imperial regime, the principal one being the reform of land taxation. 38 DESSALEGN RAHMATO Haile Selassie had been a reformist in the past, and on three different occasions he had taken measures aimed at restructuring land taxation and revenue collection.
The smallholding peasant thus came to constitute the sole social force of the rural class structure. Reform also swept away all customary tenure arrangements, though local dispute settlement, land transaction, and mutual aid institutions remained resilient and continue to function to this day. Land distribution took place among households organized in Peasant Associations (PAs) in each kebelle. Political power at the local level was restructured, with the PA assuming authority at the kebelle level, and ‘progressive’ minded officials newly appointed by the Derg replacing the gentry at the level of the woreda and above.
Under present circumstances, landlessness is a dynamic problem: each generation that comes of age is landless and demands rights to land. In some localities the end result of accommodating its demands is increasing land fragmentation and the progressive levelling down of holdings. In others, these measures do not generate enough land and not all young people receive land. A third element of the equity principle is the promotion of social equality in rural society. State ownership, it is argued, will ensure that the gap between the rich and the poor is narrowed and that inequalities of wealth and property leading to social antagonism and class con- PEASANTS AND AGRARIAN REFORMS 49 flict will be minimised.