By Andrew G. Walder
Fractured uprising is the 1st full-length account of the evolution of China’s purple shield circulation in Beijing, the nation’s capital, from its beginnings in 1966 to its forcible suppression in 1968. Andrew Walder combines historic narrative with sociological research as he explores the unconventional pupil movement’s crippling factionalism, devastating social effect, and supreme failure. such a lot bills of the circulation have portrayed a fight between purple Guards as a social clash that pitted privileged “conservative” scholars opposed to socially marginalized “radicals” who sought to alter an oppressive social and political method. Walder employs newly on hand documentary proof and the new memoirs of former pink shield leaders and participants to illustrate that on either side of the sour clash have been scholars from similar socioeconomic backgrounds, who shared similar—largely defensive—motivations. The depth of the clash and the intensity of the divisions have been an expression of authoritarian political constructions that persisted to exert an impossible to resist pull on scholar explanations and activities, even in the middle of their uprising. Walder’s nuanced account demanding situations the most issues of a whole new release of scholarship concerning the social conflicts of China’s Cultural Revolution, laying off mild at the so much tragic and poorly understood interval of contemporary chinese language heritage. (20100601)
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Extra resources for Fractured Rebellion: The Beijing Red Guard Movement
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Two powerful figures— party First Vice-Secretary Ge Hua and standing committee member Cui Xiongkun—challenged Lu Ping to respond to the charges and resisted efforts to squelch the controversy. ”27 The issue was settled when on June 1 Mao personally ordered that the wall poster be published nationwide. In instructions to Kang Sheng and Chen Boda, he wrote, “It is absolutely essential to circulate this in newspapers nationwide. 29 This was a complete victory for the school’s dissidents. Cao Yi’ou, Kang Sheng’s wife, who had instigated the wall poster on his behalf, became vice-head of the work team.
In their earlier attacks on ministries and commissions, rebels stayed within separate bureaucratic hierarchies. Work teams were dispatched down these hierarchies to the schools under them, and the pursuit of work teams led rebels directly back up this hierarchy to the ministry or commission that sent them. When these rebels moved to seize power in national and municipal agencies, however, they crossed into different bureaucratic hierarchies. Rebel groups from different schools who went to the same organs of power turned quickly from allies into competitors.
20 It was unusual for a work team to adopt a radical stance from the outset. The decisiveness of the work teams at the larger institutions—Beijing University, Qinghua University, Beijing Normal University, and the Beijing Institute of Politics and Law—was due to distinctive bureaucratic circumstances. These work teams were formed by units just below the Central Committee Secretariat and contained a variety of high officials from a range of ministries and commissions. 21 In these cases, finally, the decision to depose the party committee and purge the school’s party secretary for serious political transgressions was in fact made by higher officials even before the work team arrived.