By Thomas Hippler

This e-book examines the production of ‘national armies’ via obligatory army provider in France and Prussia throughout the French Revolution and the Prussian Reform interval. The French Revolution attempted to set up army and political constructions within which the militia and society might merge. with the intention to make sure that the military might by no means turn into a method of oppression opposed to the folk, the total inhabitants should still hence ‘be’ the military. Defeated via the large army strength that those new political settings had unchained in France, Prussia tailored the French suggestions to its personal wishes, hence laying the foundation for its contributions to the victories of the coalition troops in 1813-15. Conscription had implications that went past the basically army sphere and concerned assumptions concerning the nature of the nation and its courting to its electorate. It was once the fabric foundation of Napoleon’s campaigns and of the German ‘wars of nationwide liberation’ of 1813-15, earlier than turning into a cornerstone of the Prussian Reforms and the production of a civil society ‘from above’. army provider has accordingly been essentially the most crucial and contradictory associations of the trendy countryside. electorate, squaddies and nationwide Armies might be of curiosity to historians of contemporary Europe, army historians and scholars of highbrow heritage generally.

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Extra resources for Citizens, Soldiers and National Armies: Military Service in France and Germany, 1789-1830 (War, History and Politics)

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As a consequence, the citizen-soldier became a key concept that permitted the reconciliation of military and civic virtue. The basic elements of such a concept can already be found in Montesquieu, according to 30 The French moment whom virtue was the fundamental psychic disposition of a democracy. In a monarchy, on the other hand, virtue was less important because the sense of honour could take its place (Montesquieu, III, 3–4 1989: 22–5). He defined virtue as ‘love of the laws and of the homeland [patrie]’, which necessitates a ‘continuous preference for the public interest over one’s own’, so that republics needed to ensure that the development of virtue be taught in educational institutions.

15 The number of militiamen was initially calculated on the basis of the number of parishes, each village or town having to supply one man, but in practice the manpower needed never required the total allocation of parishes. 16 Accordingly, the country was divided into military cantons that each had to provide a certain number of militiamen (Corvisier 1964: 200–1). Service in the militia was thus not a personal, but a communal duty. Given the fact that the number of potential militiamen was always greater than military requirements and financial capacity, communities faced the difficult issue of how to choose their quotas.

The basic elements of such a concept can already be found in Montesquieu, according to 30 The French moment whom virtue was the fundamental psychic disposition of a democracy. In a monarchy, on the other hand, virtue was less important because the sense of honour could take its place (Montesquieu, III, 3–4 1989: 22–5). He defined virtue as ‘love of the laws and of the homeland [patrie]’, which necessitates a ‘continuous preference for the public interest over one’s own’, so that republics needed to ensure that the development of virtue be taught in educational institutions.

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